A new comparative assessment of socio-economic indicators reports a marked gap between India’s Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and the Pakistan-administered areas commonly termed Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB).
The document, which examines budgetary allocations, education, health, governance and civil liberties, finds J&K ahead on most measures.
On public finance, the analysis cites a 2025–26 development outlay for PoJK of PKR 310 billion (about USD 1.77 billion) for a population of roughly 4.5 million, equating to around USD 393 per head. For the same year, J&K’s budget is given as INR 1,12,310 crore (about USD 12.9 billion) for approximately 12.5 million people, or USD 1,032 per head. On the document’s figures, India’s per-capita public spending in J&K is close to three times that of PoJK.
Higher education capacity is another area of divergence. According to the paper, J&K hosts two central universities and nine state universities, alongside four Institutes of National Importance: the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Jammu, Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Jammu, National Institute of Technology (NIT) Srinagar and National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT) Srinagar. An All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) campus has opened in Samba, with a second at Awantipora planned. The territory also has 11 medical colleges and 14 engineering colleges. By comparison, the document lists seven universities and four medical colleges in PoJK, and notes teacher shortages, low pay and limited training that constrain quality, despite new “Daanish” school initiatives.
Employment opportunities are described as narrow in PoJK, with few private-sector roles and a reported job reservation for refugees and their descendants adding complexity to recruitment. The paper says many young people see public service or the security forces — including the Northern Light Infantry and the Pakistan Army — as among the few stable options.
Healthcare indicators further underline the gap. The analysis records 73 health facilities in PoJK (24 hospitals and 49 health centres), and a doctor-to-population ratio of 1:4,916, well below the World Health Organization’s guideline of 1:1,000. In J&K, it lists at least 5,534 health institutions (4,433 government and 1,101 private) and a ratio of 1:1,658. Infant mortality in J&K is given as 23 per 1,000 live births, roughly a third of the rate reported for PoJK. The paper adds that J&K recently posted the steepest one-year reduction in infant mortality nationally, and targets a single-digit rate.
On freedom of religion or belief, the document points to Pakistan’s constitutional definition of “Muslim” as a basis for discrimination against the Ahmadiyya community, and notes periodic sectarian tension in GB’s sizeable Shia areas. By contrast, it describes J&K as religiously diverse, with a predominantly Muslim Kashmir Valley and significant Hindu and Sikh communities in Jammu.
Governance structures also differ. The paper states that PoJK and GB remain under Pakistan’s federal control, without direct representation in the National Assembly or Senate, and with budgets set centrally. It says local communities have limited say over natural resources, which has prompted recurring demands for a larger share of benefits from mining and minerals. In India, following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, J&K’s residents are represented on the same basis as other citizens in both houses of Parliament and in the Union government.
Recent political activity features the Awami Action Committee (AAC), which the document says has grown more prominent in both PoJK and GB. In PoJK, a Joint AAC led by Shaukat Nawaz Mir is said to have secured concessions from authorities, while in GB senior organisers — including a lawyer named Ehsan — have reportedly been detained for extended periods. The paper also records allegations by groups such as the United Kashmir People’s National Party of enforced disappearances of journalists, activists and politicians, and cites the May killing near Rawalakot of two PoJK youths, Zarnosh Naseem and Jibran Naseem, as an example of alleged extra-judicial action.
The legal status of Pakistan’s administration is framed around the 1949 “Karachi Agreement”. The analysis questions its validity, noting the absence of a public record until a 1992 PoJK High Court verdict referenced it, and the lack of any GB signatory. It adds that GB is governed by federal executive orders rather than a locally enacted constitution, and that PoJK’s 1974 Interim Constitution — as amended in 2018 — includes restrictions on speech that runs counter to accession to Pakistan.
The paper’s conclusion is that J&K is currently outperforming PoJK and GB on core development metrics. It highlights infrastructure expansion in J&K — including expressway links between Delhi and Srinagar via Amritsar and the commissioning of the Chenab rail bridge — alongside industrial incentives and improvements in roads, power and water supply. In PoJK, it notes repeated protests through 2024 over electricity tariffs and staple shortages, and says temporary subsidies have not addressed deeper economic pressures.
Main Image: By KennyOMG – Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=15411330
